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Furthermore, competition was quite fierce and the market relatively small. Nancy Rose Hunt.

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Such women often resort to prostitution as Prostitutes Lapai solution to economic problems. In some however, religion has been the motivating factor. In some societies, or at some point of their history, prostitution was held in high esteem.

Here, prostitutes are made to wear special clothes or live in special quarters of the town. Numbering nearly half a Prostitutes Lapai people, the Idoma occupy a belt of territory that stretches from the Southern banks of Prostitutes Lapai Benue Prostitutes Lapai to the northern fringes of Igboland.

They have as their neighbours the Tiv and Egedde to the east, the Igala to the west and the Eza and Nsukka Igbo to the south. Their major staple crop is yam. Other crops such as Prostitutes Lapai, maize, soya beans, beniseed, cowpeas and bambara nuts are widely cultivated.

In pre-colonial Idoma society, the primary unit of social, political Prostitutes Lapai economic organization was the compound unit — Odudole. This consisted of a man, his wife or wives, children and a number of relatives.

At the microscopic level, the compound unit provided the labour for production and determined the character of distribution and property relations. At the head of the compound unit, was the family head — Adakole, who was usually the oldest Prostitutes Lapai member of the compound.

His authority within the context o traditional law was unquestionable. The family head controlled access to the means of production, distributed returns onlabour, and rewarded deserving members of the compound unit from time to time. Division of labour within the domestic Prostitutes Lapai, was based on Prostitutes Lapai and age.

Adult males cleared the virgin lands for cultivation, cultivated specific crops like yams, traded in specific commodities like slaves, iron tools and firearms, hunted, and fashioned a wide variety tools. Adult women assisted in cultivation especially in planting, weeding and harvesting, cultivated specific crops such as maize, beans, etc. In addition, women gathered roots, fruits, berries, mushrooms, medicinal herbs and firewood.

They also monopolized the ceramic, textile and brewing industries. Of all this, the brewing of alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverages was the most profitable. Idoma women as we noted earlier, participated extensively in commercial activities.

The vast Prostitutes Lapai of traders in pre-colonial Idoma society Prostitutes Lapai women. However, for a number of reasons, their activities were restricted to a number of commodities. But more important than this, is the fact that within the context of traditional law, Idoma women could not own property. Whatever property she owned, belonged to her husband and his male heirs. This fact has led some observers to conclude that the social status of Idoma women wives was at best Prostitutes Lapai.

Idoma society or its male component realized and appreciated the role women played in both the reproduction of members for the community and the production of material livelihood.

It was the desire of every woman because to a large extent, the material development of his compound depended on her. In recognition Prostitutes Lapai this fact, it was customary to reward hard working women.

It is important to note here that while women were fully integrated into the domestic economy at Prostitutes Lapai levels, they suffered a number of disabilities. First, they were completely alienated from political power. Second, on grounds of religion, women were excluded from a number of social and economic institutions.

For example, although women constituted the bulk of traders in the society, the market master was usually a man. Also women were not allowed to trade in Prostitutes Lapai male commodities such as slaves, horses, firearms and iron tools. Their roles were well defined and respected by their male counterparts. However, given the fact that the Prostitutes Lapai structures were held together by the labour of both sexes, whatever distortions affected either sex was bound to affect the other.

It was under these circumstances that economic distortions introduced by colonialism began to affect Idoma women in a manner that led some of Prostitutes Lapai into prostitution. As it has been noted Prostitutes Lapai, the establishment of colonialism was to enable Britain reap advantages over and above what would have been possible within the framework of free market relations.

Through forced labour, taxation, destruction of local industries and the commoditization of agriculture, these intentions were quickly realized. With particular reference to the Idomaland, one scholar notes that it was an area where the colonial administration did not appear to have much affection or Prostitutes Lapai interest.

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Much of these had hardened into attitudes that lasted for the better part of the colonial period. Overtime, Idomaland became a neglected backwater and a hardship and punishment area Prostitutes Lapai insubordinate staff and a dumping ground for mediocre officials. In this regard, the supply of labour and taxation Prostitutes Lapai very important. Between andthousands of Idoma men were forcibly recruited to build roads, bridges and the railway line from Enugu to Jos.

Forced labour had the effect of withdrawing large numbers of men from the domestic economy. This shortage in turn, had the effect of reducing output in productive terms. More devastating in its impact than forced labour was the introduction of taxation. Taxation has been described as an integral part of colonialism. It was inconvenient insofar as taxes had to be paid in nickel currency the circulation of which was very low.

The mode of Prostitutes Lapai and collection made the entire exercise very irritating. Assistant District Officers, village heads and native authority officials, counted homesteads and Prostitutes Lapai farms where they measured acreages under cultivation and Prostitutes Lapai estimated yields and incomes.

In the absence of a culprit, his wife and children were seized and Prostitutes Lapai in custody until he showed up. The Idoma like many Nigerian people reacted violently to taxation.

In the case Prostitutes Lapai the Egedde, discontentment over taxes resulted in open rebellion between and In this regard, practical steps towards meeting this obligation were now sought for. The extension of taxation to women in introduced a new dimension to the problem.

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The taxation of Idoma women was rationalized thus: The Idoma women as a wage earner stand in close relation to much as her earning are the Prostitutes Lapai of the produce of the land given by her husband.

They sold their foodstuffs especially yams to Ibo traders who ferried them to the tin mines of Jos or to Enugu and Port Harcourt. A few lucky ones got employed into the Prostitutes Lapai administration as carriers, soldiers, native authority officials and casual labourers. A large number of Idoma men migrated to the cocoa plantations of western Nigeria, Pernando Prostitutes Lapai and the Tin mines of Jos. For one thing the low price of foodstuffs, throughout the period made it difficult for farmers to raise enough money to meet tax and other obligations.

Secondly, very few people were employed by the colonial administration as conscious efforts were made to minimize administrative costs. The third option therefore, offered the best prospect for the greater majority Idoma men. It Prostitutes Lapai estimated that between Prostitutes Lapai an average of 50, men left Idomaland annually as migrant labourers.

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One major effect of this massive outflow of labour on the domestic economy in general and the position Prostitutes Lapai women of in particular was that it created severe structural distortions. Married women whose husbands joined the migration train found themselves having to perform unfamiliar roles.

Alternatively, she could return to her parents or remarry. In the case of divorce especially on grounds of adultery or sterility, the women were left to fend for themselves. Depending on her age, physical abilities and entrepreneurial skills, Prostitutes Lapai women often carved for themselves a niche in the domestic economy. But in the case of migrant labour, the men only left for short periods of time usually one or two years. Their absence during this period, given the division of labour within the domestic economy, began to cause considerable economic Prostitutes Lapai for some women.

Most of them began to play the roles identified by Bitek in every conceivable way. Furthermore, the eventual Prostitutes Lapai of the men- folk Prostitutes Lapai very little or no benefits whatsoever on women in particular and the society in Prostitutes Lapai.

This was largely because the bulk of their earnings were consumed by taxes and to a lesser extent the purchase of consumer durables.

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As characteristic, of most labour exporting societies, the contribution of migrant labour to the economic development of Idomaland was dneglible. For the unmarried ones, the situation was a bit complicated. First, there was a general scarcity of eligible bachelors. Secondly, and arising from the above problem was that many young women became junior wives to more established males.

Even this began to prove difficult as the acquisition of affluence and thus attracted high taxes. In the face of these multidimensional problems, Idoma women like their men had done earlier, had to devise alternative ways of making life more comfortable for themselves within the society.

According to a number of oral information, the Idoma word for prostitution, akwuna is derived from an Igbo word that means the same thing. These prostitutes operated around the new railway camp at Otukpo and were patronized by the large labour force Prostitutes Lapai this camp. These prostitutes, it was further believed, followed the railway line from Port- Harcourt and moved as the line Prostitutes Lapai north-wards.

It is also believed that the first Idoma women who became prostitutes started off as petty commodity traders selling food and alcoholic and and non-alcoholic beverages to casual labourers on the line.

As an informant put it, the cost of one round of sex in was between 2d and 3d. Those who hoped to sell food or beverages had to contend with the cost of giant pots plates, firewood, support labour erection of sheds etc. They also Prostitutes Lapai to contend with local health Prostitutes Lapai and revenue officials.

Furthermore, competition was quite fierce and the market relatively Prostitutes Lapai. We Prostitutes Lapai here that given the traditional position on adultery and Prostitutes Lapai, the reaction of Idoma Prostitutes Lapai to this development was rather strange. Some furthers and husbands encouraged and cajoled their daughters and junior wives into prostitution.

This reaction I believe, was informed by the economic benefits they hoped or stood to realize from spouses or daughters who become prostitutes.

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Many Idoma soldiers returned from the war to find their wives Prostitutes Lapai for or married to other men. The matrimonial crises that arose there-from, sent a large number of women into prostitution. Afterthe tin mines, of Jos, textile factories of Kaduna and the military base of Zaria became the centers of concentration of Idoma prostitutes.

They came home with trunk boxes filled with second-hand Prostitutes Lapai and cheap imitation jewellery that they distributed to their younger ones. The more enterprising ones bought bicycles, and radio for their husbands, in-laws or boyfriends and helped pay their Prostitutes Lapai. Also through prostitution, a large number of Idoma women began to enjoy a considerable degree of economic independence and prosperity over and above their men folk.

The level of the individual and that of the society. At the individual level prostitution more often than not, brought short- term Prostitutes Lapai and social benefits.

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While age and beauty was on their side, the prostitutes rode on a Prostitutes Lapai of economic prosperity. Some got married and settled down to normal family life.

The vast majority of them hung on to the profession rendering services to cripples, lepers, primary and secondary school boys, truck pushers etc. However, because prostitution as an economic problem responds to economic laws, Prostitutes Lapai practitioners are often in high demand.

Long distance travelers, Prostitutes Lapai personnel, labour gangs working on construction sites and even married men who require skills their wives cannot produce, often seek sex as a commodity. At the level of the society, prostitution by Idoma women has had negative economic and cultural effects. First prostitution as an occupation is not productive. More importantly, it denies the society a substantial labour force that Prostitutes Lapai have otherwise been productive.

Like migrant labour, the Prostitutes Lapai of a potential labour force via prostitution made many Idoma communities suffer e economic and infrastructural underdevelopment. Prostitution also had the effect of denying many Idoma women western education. Until Prostitutes Lapai recently, very few Idoma women went to school. From a cultural perspective, prostitution overtime became synonymous with Idoma women. In the old Northern Nigeria, Idoma women were perceived as the most adulterous of all northern Nigerian women.

In some places such stereotypes still persists. This is particularly so given the assertion by many, that prostitution being the oldest profession predates the emergence of capitalism. The evidence from Idoma as this paper has tried to show contradicts the latter position. In the case of the Idoma, prostitution was a product of capitalist penetration of their domestic economies.

The Prostitutes Lapai of colonialism Prostitutes Lapai birth to prostitution. It emerged as a response to new economic problem that affected them harshly.